Prime Minister's Commons statement on triggering Article 50
Thank you Mr Speaker.
Today the government acts onthe democratic will[民主意愿]of the British people. And it acts, too, on the clear and convincing position of this House.
A few minutes ago inBrussels[布鲁塞尔],the United Kingdom's Permanent Representative to the EU[英常驻欧盟代表]handed a letter tothe President of the European Council[欧盟理事会主席]on my behalf, confirming the government's decision to invokeArticle 50 of the Treaty on European Union[《里斯本条约》第50条].
The Article 50 process is now underway. Andin accordance withthe wishes of the British people, the United Kingdom is leaving the European Union.
This is an historic moment from whichthere can be no turning back.Britain is leaving the European Union. We are going to make our own decisions and our own laws. We are going to take control of the things that matter most to us. And we are going to take this opportunity to build a stronger, fairer Britain – a country that our children and grandchildren are proud to call home. That is our ambition and our opportunity. That is what this government is determined to do.
Mr Speaker, at moments like these –great turning pointsin our national story – the choices we make define the character of our nation. We can choose to say the task ahead is too great. We can choose to turn our face to the past and believe it can't be done. Or we can look forward with optimism and hope – and to believe inthe enduring power[持久力量]of the British spirit.
Qianlong’s Letter to George III, 1793
I choose to believe in Britain and that our best dayslie ahead. And I do so because I am confident that we have the vision and the plan to use this moment to build a better Britain. For leaving the European Union presents us with a unique opportunity. It is this generation's chance toshape a brighter futurefor our country. A chance to step back and ask ourselves what kind of country we want to be.
My answer is clear. I want the United Kingdom to emerge from this period of changestronger,fairer, more united and more outward-lookingthan ever before. I want us to be asecure, prosperous, tolerantcountry – amagnet[磁铁;吸铁石]for international talent and a home to the pioneers and innovators who will shape the world ahead.
You, O King, live beyond the confines of many seas. Nevertheless, impelled by your humble desire to partake of the benefits of our civilisation, you have dispatched a mission respectfully bearing your memorial. Your Envoy has crossed the seas and paid his respects at my Court on the anniversary of my birthday. To show your devotion, you have also sent offerings of your country's produce.
I want us to be a trulyGlobal Britain– the best friend and neighbour to our European partners, but a country that reaches beyond the borders of Europe too. A country that goes out into the world to build relationships with old friends and new allies alike.
I have perused your memorial: the earnest terms in which it is couched reveal a respectful humility on your part, which is highly praiseworthy. In consideration of the fact that your Ambassador and his deputy have come a long way with your memorial and tribute, I have shown them high favour and have allowed them to be introduced into my presence. To manifest my indulgence, I have entertained them at a banquet and made them numerous gifts. I have also caused presents to be forwarded to the Naval Commander and six hundred of his officers and men, although they did not come to Peking, so that they too may share in my all-embracing kindness.
And that is why I haveset out a clear and ambitious planfor the negotiations ahead. It is a plan for a new deep and special partnership between Britain and the European Union.A partnership of values. A partnership of interests. A partnership based on co-operation in areas such as security and economic affairs. Anda partnership that works in the best interests of the United Kingdom, the European Union and the wider world.
As to your entreaty to send one of your nationals to be accredited to my Celestial Court and to be in control of your country's trade with China, this request is contrary to all usage of my dynasty and cannot possibly be entertained. It is true that Europeans, in the service of the dynasty, have been permitted to live at Peking, but they are compelled to adopt Chinese dress, they are strictly confined to their own precincts and are never permitted to return home. You are presumably familiar with our dynastic regulations. Your proposed Envoy to my Court could not be placed in a position similar to that of European officials in Peking who are forbidden to leave China, nor could he, on the other hand, be allowed liberty of movement and the privilege of corresponding with his own country; so that you would gain nothing by his residence in our midst.
Because perhaps now more than ever, the world needs theliberal,democraticvalues of Europe – values that this United Kingdom shares. And that is why, while we are leaving the institutions of the European Union, we are not leaving Europe.We will remain a close friend and ally.We will be a committed partner[忠诚的伙伴]. We will play our part to ensure that Europe is able toproject its valuesanddefend itself from security threats[保护自己免受安全威胁]. And we will do all that we can to help the European Union prosper and succeed.
Moreover, our Celestial dynasty possesses vast territories, and tribute missions from the dependencies are provided for by the Department for Tributary States, which ministers to their wants and exercises strict control over their movements. It would be quite impossible to leave them to their own devices. Supposing that your Envoy should come to our Court, his language and national dress differ from that of our people, and there would be no place in which to bestow him. It may be suggested that he might imitate the Europeans permanently resident in Peking and adopt the dress and customs of China, but, it has never been our dynasty's wish to force people to do things unseemly and inconvenient. Besides, supposing I sent an Ambassador to reside in your country, how could you possibly make for him the requisite arrangements? Europe consists of many other nations besides your own: if each and all demanded to be represented at our Court, how could we possibly consent? The thing is utterly impracticable. How can our dynasty alter its whole procedure and system of etiquette, established for more than a century, in order to meet your individual views? If it be said that your object is to exercise control over your country's trade, your nationals have had full liberty to trade at Canton for many a year, and have received the greatest consideration at our hands. Missions have been sent by Portugal and Italy, preferring similar requests. The Throne appreciated their sincerity and loaded them with favours, besides authorising measures to facilitate their trade with China. You are no doubt aware that, when my Canton merchant, Wu Chao-ping, who was in debt to foreign ships. I made the Viceroy advance the monies due, out of the provincial treasury, and ordered him to punish the culprit severely. Why then should foreign nations advance this utterly unreasonable request to be represented at my Court? Peking is nearly two thousand miles from Canton, and at such a distance what possible control could any British representative exercise?
So Mr Speaker, in the letter that has been delivered toPresident Tusktoday – copies of which I have placed in the library of the House – I have been clear that the deep and special partnership we seek is inthe best interests ofthe United Kingdom and of the European Union too.
If you assert that your reverence for Our Celestial dynasty fills you with a desire to acquire our civilisation, our ceremonies and code of laws differ so completely from your own that, even if your Envoy were able to acquire the rudiments of our civilisation, you could not possibly transplant our manners and customs to your alien soil. Therefore, however adept the Envoy might become, nothing would be gained thereby.
I have been clear that we will work constructively – in a spirit of sincereco-operation– to bring this partnership into being. And I have been clear that we should seek to agree the terms of this future partnership alongside those of our withdrawal, within the next 2 years.
Swaying the wide world, I have but one aim in view, namely, to maintain a perfect governance and to fulfil the duties of the State: strange and costly objects do not interest me. If I have commanded that the tribute offerings sent by you, O King, are to be accepted, this was solely in consideration for the spirit which prompted you to dispatch them from afar. Our dynasty's majestic virtue has penetrated unto every country under Heaven, and Kings of all nations have offered their costly tribute by land and sea. As your Ambassador can see for himself, we possess all things. I set no value on objects strange or ingenious, and have no use for your country's manufactures. This then is my answer to your request to appoint a representative at my Court, a request contrary to our dynastic usage, which would only result in inconvenience to yourself. I have expounded my wishes in detail and have commanded your tribute Envoys to leave in peace on their homeward journey. It behoves you, O King, to respect my sentiments and to display even greater devotion and loyalty in future, so that, by perpetual submission to our Throne, you may secure peace and prosperity for your country hereafter. Besides making gifts (of which I enclose an inventory) to each member of your Mission, I confer upon you, O King, valuable presents in excess of the number usually bestowed on such occasions, including silks and curios-a list of which is likewise enclosed. Do you reverently receive them and take note of my tender goodwill towards you! A special mandate.
I am ambitious for Britain. And the objectives I have set out for these negotiations remain. We will deliver certainty wherever possible so that business, the public sector and everybody else has as much clarity as we can provide as we move through the process. It is why, tomorrow, we will publish aWhite Paperconfirming our plans to convert the ‘acquis’ into British law, so that everyone will know where they stand.
You, O King, from afar have yearned after the blessings of our civilisation, and in your eagerness to come into touch with our converting influence have sent an Embassy across the sea bearing a memorial. I have already taken note of your respectful spirit of submission, have treated your mission with extreme favour and loaded it with gifts, besides issuing a mandate to you, O King, and honouring you with the bestowal of valuable presents. Thus has my indulgence been manifested.
And it is why I have been clear that the government will put the final deal that is agreed between the UK and the EU to a vote in bothHouses of Parliamentbefore itcomes into force. We will take control of our own laws and bring an end to thejurisdictionof the European Court of Justice in Britain. Leaving the European Union will mean that our laws will be made inWestminster,Edinburgh,CardiffandBelfast. And those laws will be interpreted by judges not inLuxembourg, but in courts across this country.
Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers to memorialise me regarding your trade with China, but his proposal is not consistent with our dynastic usage and cannot be entertained. Hitherto, all European nations, including your own country's barbarian merchants, have carried on their trade with our Celestial Empire at Canton. Such has been the procedure for many years, although our Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific abundance and lacks no product within its own borders. There was therefore no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians in exchange for our own produce. But as the tea, silk and porcelain which the Celestial Empire produces, are absolute necessities to European nations and to yourselves, we have permitted, as a signal mark of favour, that foreign hongs [merchant firms] should be established at Canton, so that your wants might be supplied and your country thus participate in our beneficence. But your Ambassador has now put forward new requests which completely fail to recognise the Throne's principle to "treat strangers from afar with indulgence," and to exercise a pacifying control over barbarian tribes, the world over. Moreover, our dynasty, swaying the myriad races of the globe, extends the same benevolence towards all. Your England is not the only nation trading at Canton. If other nations, following your bad example, wrongfully importune my ear with further impossible requests, how will it be possible for me to treat them with easy indulgence? Nevertheless, I do not forget the lonely remoteness of your island, cut off from the world by intervening wastes of sea, nor do I overlook your excusable ignorance of the usages of our Celestial Empire. I have consequently commanded my Ministers to enlighten your Ambassador on the subject, and have ordered the departure of the mission. But I have doubts that, after your Envoy's return he may fail to acquaint you with my view in detail or that he may be lacking in lucidity, so that I shall now proceed . . . to issue my mandate on each question separately. In this way you will, I trust, comprehend my meaning....
(3) Your request for a small island near Chusan, where your merchants may reside and goods be warehoused, arises from your desire to develop trade. As there are neither foreign hongs nor interpreters in or near Chusan, where none of your ships have ever called, such an island would be utterly useless for your purposes. Every inch of the territory of our Empire is marked on the map and the strictest vigilance is exercised over it all: even tiny islets and farlying sandbanks are clearly defined as part of the provinces to which they belong. Consider, moreover, that England is not the only barbarian land which wishes to establish . . . trade with our Empire: supposing that other nations were all to imitate your evil example and beseech me to present them each and all with a site for trading purposes, how could I possibly comply? This also is a flagrant infringement of the usage of my Empire and cannot possibly be entertained.
the authority of a court or official organization to make decisions and judgments 司法权；管辖权；审判权
(4) The next request, for a small site in the vicinity of Canton city, where your barbarian merchants may lodge or, alternatively, that there be no longer any restrictions over their movements at Aomen, has arisen from the following causes. Hitherto, the barbarian merchants of Europe have had a definite locality assigned to them at Aomen for residence and trade, and have been forbidden to encroach an inch beyond the limits assigned to that locality.... If these restrictions were withdrawn, friction would inevitably occur between the Chinese and your barbarian subjects, and the results would militate against the benevolent regard that I feel towards you. From every point of view, therefore, it is best that the regulations now in force should continue unchanged....
The court has no jurisdiction in/over cases of this kind.
(7) Regarding your nation's worship of the Lord of Heaven, it is the same religion as that of other European nations. Ever since the beginning of history, sage Emperors and wise rulers have bestowed on China a moral system and inculcated a code, which from time immemorial has been religiously observed by the myriads of my subjects. There has been no hankering after heterodox doctrines. Even the European (missionary) officials in my capital are forbidden to hold intercourse with Chinese subjects; they are restricted within the limits of their appointed residences, and may not go about propagating their religion. The distinction between Chinese and barbarian is most strict, and your Ambassador's request that barbarians shall be given full liberty to disseminate their religion is utterly unreasonable.
It may be, O King, that the above proposals have been wantonly made by your Ambassador on his own responsibility, or peradventure you yourself are ignorant of our dynastic regulations and had no intention of transgressing them when you expressed these wild ideas and hopes.... If, after the receipt of this explicit decree, you lightly give ear to the representations of your subordinates and allow your barbarian merchants to proceed to Chêkiang and Tientsin, with the object of landing and trading there, the ordinances of my Celestial Empire are strict in the extreme, and the local officials, both civil and military, are bound reverently to obey the law of the land. Should your vessels touch the shore, your merchants will assuredly never be permitted to land or to reside there, but will be subject to instant expulsion. In that event your barbarian merchants will have had a long journey for nothing. Do not say that you were not warned in due time! Tremblingly obey and show no negligence! A special mandate!
We will strengthen the Union of the 4 nations thatcompriseour United Kingdom. We will negotiate as one United Kingdom, taking account of the specific interests of every nation and region of the UK and when it comes to the powers that we will take back from Europe, we will consult fully on which powers shouldreside inWestminster and which should be passed on tothe devolved administrations.
From Backhouse, E. and J. O. P. Bland, Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914. pp. 322-331.
But Mr Speaker, no decisions currently taken by the devolved administrations will be removed from them. And it is the expectation of the government that the devolved administrations inScotland,WalesandNorthern Irelandwill see a significant increase in theirdecision-making poweras a result of this process.
We want to maintain the common travel area withthe Republic of Ireland. There should be no return to the borders of the past. We will control immigration so that we continue to attract the brightest and the best to work or study in Britain, but manage the process properly so that our immigration system serves the national interest.
We seek to guarantee the rights ofEU citizens[欧盟公民]who are already living in Britain, and the rights ofBritish nationals[英国国民]in other member states as early as we can. That is set out very clearly in the letter as an early priority for the talks ahead. We will ensure that workers' rights are fully protected and maintained.Indeed, under my leadership,not only will the government protect the rights of workers, we will build on them.
We will pursue aboldandambitiousfree trade agreement with the European Union that allows for the freest possible trade in goods and services between Britain and the EU's member states; that gives British companiesthe maximum freedomto trade with and operate within European markets; and that lets European businesses do the same in Britain.
Because European leaders have said many times that we cannot ‘cherry pick’ and remain members of the single market without accepting the 4 freedoms that are indivisible. We respect that position. And as accepting those freedomsis incompatible with[和...不相容的]the democratically expressed will of the British people, we will no longer be members of the single market.
cherry pick:to pick only the best people or things from a group, so that only people or things that are less good remain
The new schools were accused ofcherry-pickingthe best students in the area.
We are going to make sure that we can*strike**trade agreementswith countries from outside the European Union too. Because important though our trade with the EU is and will remain, it is clear that the UK needs to increase significantly its trade with the fastest growing export markets in the world.*
strike:to reach or make an agreement 达成，制定（协议）
Do you think the government should try tostrike a dealwith the terrorists?
We hope to continue to collaborate with our European partners in the areas ofscience, education, research and technology, so that the UK is one of the best places for science and innovation. We seek continued co-operation with our European partners in important areas such ascrime, terrorism and foreign affairs.
And it is our aim to deliver asmoothandorderlyBrexit – reaching an agreement about our future partnership by the time the 2-year Article 50 process has concluded, then moving intoa phased process[阶段性进程/过程]of implementation in which Britain, the EU institutions and member states prepare for the new arrangements that will exist between us.
Mr Speaker, we understand that there will beconsequencesfor the UK of leaving the EU. We know that we will lose influenceover the rules that affect the European economy. We know that UK companies that trade with the EU will have toalign with[与……结盟;与…一致]rules agreed by institutions of which we are no longer a part, just as we do in other overseas markets. We accept that.
However, we approach these talksconstructively,respectfully, andin a spirit of sincere co-operation. For it is in the interests of both the United Kingdom and the European Union that we should use this process to deliver our objectives in a fair and orderly manner. It is in the interests of both the United Kingdom and the European Union that there should beas little disruption as possible. And it is in the interests of both the United Kingdom and the European Union that Europe should remain strong, prosperous and capable of*projecting**its values*in the world.
At a time when the growth of global trade is slowing and there are signs thatprotectionistinstinctsare on the rise in many parts of the world, Europe has a responsibility to stand up for free trade in the interests of all our citizens.
With Europe's security morefragiletoday than at any time since the end ofthe Cold War, weakening our co-operation and failing to stand up for European values would be a costly mistake.
Our vote to leave the EU wasno rejection ofthe values thatwe share as fellow Europeans. As a European country, we will continue to play our part in promoting and supporting those values – during the negotiations and once they are done.
We will continue to bereliablepartners, willing allies and close friends. We want to continue to buy goods and services from the EU, and sell them ours. We want to trade with them as freely as possible, and work with one another to make sure we are allsafer, moresecureand moreprosperousthrough continued friendship.
Indeed, in an increasingly unstable world, we must continue toforge the closest possible security co-operationto keep our people safe. We face the same global threats fromterrorismandextremism[极端主义]. That message was only reinforced by theabhorrentattack onWestminster Bridge[威斯敏斯特桥]and this place last week.
morally very bad 令人憎恶的；使人厌恶的；可恶的
an abhorrent crime
So there should be no reason why we should not agree a new deep and special partnership between the UK and the EU that works for us all.
Mr Speaker, I know that this is a day of celebration for someand disappointment for others. Thereferendum[公投]last June was divisive at times. Not everyone shared the same point of view, or voted in the same way. The arguments on both side werepassionate.
But, Mr Speaker, when I sit around the negotiating table in the months ahead, I will represent every person in the whole United Kingdom – young and old, rich and poor, city, town, country and all the villages andhamlets[小村庄]in between.
And yes, thoseEU nationalswho have made this country their home and it is myfierce determinationto get the right deal for every single person in this country. For as we face the opportunities ahead of us on thismomentous[重大的,重要的]journey, our shared values, interests and ambitions can – and must – bring us together.
We all want to see a Britain that isstrongerthan it is today. We all want a country that is fairer so that everyone has the chance to succeed. We all want a nation that is safe and secure for our children and grandchildren. We all want to live ina truly Global Britainthat gets out and builds relationships with old friends and new allies around the world.
These are the ambitions of thisgovernment's Plan for Britain. Ambitions that unite us, so that we are no longer defined by the vote we cast, but by our determination to make a success of the result.
We are one great union of people and nations with a proud history and a bright future. And now that the decision to leave has been made – and the process is underway – it is time to come together. For this great national moment needs a great national effort. An effort to shape a stronger future for Britain.
So let us do so together. Let us come together and work together. Let us together choose to believe in Britain with optimism and hope. For if we do, we can make the most of the opportunities ahead. We can together make a success of this moment. And we can together build astronger,fairer,betterBritain – a Britain our children and grandchildren are proud to call home.